Dative and indirect object in German dialects: Evidence from relative clauses

This paper is about the relationship between dative case and the indirect object, i.e. about the linking between a morphological case and a grammatical role. The primary evidence is taken from relative clause data in German dialects (two other continental West Germanic varieties, Yiddish and a North Frisian dialect, are taken into account as well). The typical morphological systems of some of the varieties treated are briefly discussed; it turns out that in contrast to Standard German, some German dialects do not have a separate morphological dative case. Then, indirect object relative clauses are compared to direct object relative clauses with respect to caseencoding. If direct object relative clauses require overt case marking, then indirect object relative clauses do as well, but not vice versa: it is a pattern not uncommon among the varieties investigated that indirect object relative clauses require case marking while this is optional or impossible in direct object relative clauses. Furthermore, case matching plays a decisive role for indirect object relative clause formation in some of the varieties investigated.